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Physical Education: Liberate It Or Confine It To The Gymnasium?

by Ian Culpan

Surviving the crisis

Education in New Zealand continues to experience the effects of the revolution that was promoted by the incoming Labour Government in 1984. The political agenda at that time included the reorganisation of the education system along market lines so that it was characterised by the features of educational accountability, fiscal constraint, and an orientation to the demands of a market economy and international competitiveness. This was the third wave of education reform. Lauder et al. (1988), some of the earliest commentators on this reform, identified the previous two waves as the provision of universal primary schooling and the extension of universal schooling into the secondary and tertiary sectors. In identifying this third wave, they believed that these reforms were counter-productive to the earlier attempts to promote achievement through equality of opportunity. Instead, they maintained that it signalled a rapid reversal of the comprehensive educational gains made since the turn of the century and returned New Zealand to an educational system dominated primarily by market imperatives (Lauder et al., 1988).

Since 1984, the Labour and National administrations have promoted and, indeed, implemented New Right doctrines and philosophies in order to achieve the economic and social agendas determined primarily by the New Zealand Treasury during the early 1980s. The Treasury provided philosophical and policy advice to both Governments as they subsequently launched upon the sweeping economic and social changes which promoted individual responsibility, a reduction in state spending and labour costs and the implementation of competitive mechanisms in all areas of the state and civil society in order to promote increased productivity. This was based on the assumption that these measures would promote increased economic productivity. Education, of course, was not to escape what many have termed the "slash and burn" mentality of this time.

Treasury's views were largely premised on the notion that education can be viewed as a commodity that is traded in the market place like any other (Lauder et al., 1988), and thus can be analysed, assessed, and quantified in economic terms just as any other commodity. Tinning et al. (1993) refer to this market orientation as the jobs slot view which regards education primarily as a training ground for the market place. In this view, it is assumed that students should be measured by performance, ranked according to the competitive curriculum, and then set on a path that will benefit both the individual and the wider economy. Tinning et al. (1993) argue that this view of the education system allows little if any space for subjects or curriculum areas that seek to promote the personal and social development of the individual. It is argued by advocates of this view that such subjects do not overtly enhance economic productivity or benefit the market place. The imposition of the New Zealand Curriculum Framework (1993) is an important component of this market driven system. It argues that:

If we wish to progress as a nation and to enjoy healthy prosperity in today's and tomorrow's competitive world economy, our education system must adapt to meet these challenges (Ministry of Education, 1993, p. 1).

The underlying belief here is that market-riven schools will address the wider social problems which have historically come to be associated with the dominant liberal progressive approach to education. Hence, such an approach will solve the problems of:

  • poor educational achievement;
  • the educational alienation of the working classes;
  • the widening gap in academic achievement between the professional classes and other socio-economic groups;
  • a curriculum that has no orientation to the market place; and
  • the lack of accountability amongst the teaching profession.

The quest for an education system that would benefit New Zealand's emerging market economy and the emphasis on personal and institutional educational accountability demonstrate the exacerbation of competition between curriculum subject areas (within an already hierarchically structured system). The concept of competition throughout all areas of social relations is a fundamental principle of the political agenda of the National Government. In education it is based on the assumption that the widespread provision of choice and competition between institutions will ensure effectiveness and efficiency within all areas of the system. However, the Ministry of Education provides mixed messages in relation to the development of this competitive curriculum. In the Policy Specifications for a National Curriculum Statement in Health and Physical Education, it states that:

To ensure delivery of a broad and balanced curriculum, the essential learning area of Health and Physical Well-being should receive equal emphasis with the other six essential learning areas up to Year 10 (Ministry of Education, 1995, p. 6).

This statement suggests that equal emphasis equates with equal status, equal time and resource allocation. However, in an Education Gazette article, Dr Maris O'Rourke, the then Secretary for Education, wrote that:

The New Zealand Curriculum Framework ...(does) ... not stipulate how much time should be spent on any one essential learning area. It is up to boards of trustees, the principal and staff to determine what a balanced curriculum should be for their school ... Schools need to exercise professional judgement in providing such a balanced curriculum (Ministry of Education, 1995, p. 2).

While the concept of the decentralisation of decision making has been central to the implementation of Tomorrow's Schools, the messages transmitted by these official documents are somewhat confusing. Does equal emphasis equate to equal time allocations? Does the word "balance" mean equal weighing ensuring equal status? Apparently it does not.It would appear that the curriculum openly endorses the existence of a competitive hierarchy between subject areas. Thus one has to ask whether a subject such as physical education which, historically, has had marginal status in the liberal progressive curriculum will have difficulty surviving? One also has to ask what kind of "popular" assumptions about prioritising and resourcing this curriculum area boards of trustees will bring to their curriculum decision making? As elsewhere, education in New Zealand has (to different degrees at different historical junctures) emphasised cognitive and intellectual endeavours as opposed to the practical, vocationally orientated subjects. Hargreaves attributes this discursive hegemony to:

The rationalist bias in Western culture (which) entails a radical separation of body and mind that accords primacy to the mind (1987, p. 139).

Notwithstanding this bias, however, physical education in New Zealand over the last decade has undergone some huge curriculum innovations. These include the development of the National Physical Education Syllabus in 1987, the introduction of daily physical education and fitness programmes in the primary schools, Kiwi Sports, a National Sixth Form Certificate award, the introduction of a Seventh Form Bursary paper in the senior secondary school and sports education programmes within timetabled class time for secondary schools.

The New Zealand Curriculum Framework (1993) identified seven major learning areas upon which our future primary and secondary school curriculum was to be based. In this document, physical education was not identified as one of these but Health and Physical Well-being was. Physical Education was identified as a field of study within that learning area. This caused huge concern within the physical education fraternity as physical educators interpreted it as a move which threatened the integrity of their subject. Physical educators saw this as an attempt to redefine the area primarily in terms of health and, in so doing, to ignore totally the intrinsic values of physical activity such as satisfaction, fun, pleasure, sensuous enjoyment, competition, relaxation and playfulness. Furthermore, the attempt to redefine Physical Education in this way was understood to threaten the perceived psychological, physiological, cognitive and emotional benefits of fostering physical growth and development through a balanced, movement orientated programme as has been the aim in New Zealand. It also threatened the use of movement as a valid learning context and medium through which to foster the development of interpersonal skills. The threat generated a valuable internal philosophical debate about the wider purposes of the contributions that physical education makes to the education of young people. Consequently, written submissions were received by the Ministry of Education and the NZQA protesting at the apparent oversight. In summary, the submissions made the following arguments:

  • physical well-being is more like an adjective than a noun;
  • physical well-being is an inadequate title to encompass the breadth of skills and knowledge resulting from a balanced physical education programme;
  • physical education has a history, a philosophy and a body of knowledge, as well as a research base and an international literature informing its practice; and
  • physical education is about learning through, in and about movement, whereas physical well-being is not.

I believe the debate which ensued strengthened the resolve of physical educators to attain more formal recognition for their subject as a major learning area. Subsequent lobbying and negotiations with the Ministry of Education led to the name of the learning area being retained but the curriculum area was to be called Health and Physical Education. On the advice of their Advisory Group in Health and Physical Well-being, the NZQA also changed the name of their learning area from Health and Physical Well-being to Health and Physical Education. So the tradition continues. But, given the historical and contemporary marginality accorded to physical education within the formal curriculum, what is it that allows it to survive? There are several possible reasons for the survival of this curriculum subject area and its continued inclusion in the Curriculum Framework.

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